BANGLADESH MEANS IN BENGALI

"BANGLADESH" এর অর্থঃ

B=Blood (রক্তে)
A=Achieve (অর্জিত)
N=Noteworthy (স্মরণীয়)
G=Golden (সোনালী)
L=Land (ভূমি)
A=Admirable (প্রশংসিত)
D=Democratic (গণতান্ত্রিক)
E=Evergreen (চিরসবুজ)
S=Sacred (পবিত্র)
H=Habitation (বাসভূমি)

"BANGLADESH" এর অর্থ হল 'রক্তে অর্জিত স্মরণীয় সোনালী ভূমি প্রশংসিত গণতান্ত্রিক চিরসবুজ পবিত্র বাসভূমি'

"বাংলাদেশ" তোমায় অনেক ভালবাসি"

তথ্যগুলো ভালো লাগলে লাইক ও শেয়ার করতে ভুলবেন না ।

Scarlett Johansson’s Democratic National Convention

Scarlett Johansson's Elective Individual Rule

Symptom less, it was a pretty mawkish nighttime, honorable?

Scarlett Johansson was among the celebrity speakers to antecede Presidents Barack Obama's stimulating writing Thursday dark at the Participatory Mortal Convention in Charlotte, NC. And spell the actress stuck to the issues specifically empowering the youthfulness balloting at the pulpit, cameras revealed a sudden man at her root in the stands: Jared Latona. Photos at E! take Johansson, 27, retentive guardianship with actor-singer Leto, 40, a rumored effort from her early.

In separate picks of the yoke, Johansson leaned on his margin, gabbed animatedly, and took a few chance self-portraits at the important event.

But a rep for the We Bought a Zoo actress told E! There's nonentity to the stunning duo's fond holiday.

Scarlett is solace dating Nate OR Naylor," he rep said. "This is very righteous. Scarlett and Jared somebody remained friends, nothing more, naught lower. Let's decrease on the DNC and her module, which is exponentially statesman beta.

Johansson (who divorced Ryan Painter in tardive 2010 and dated Sean Penn in archaic 2011) and sexual NYC ad exec Naylor score been dating for nearly a year. They took a artist spend to Paris sunset period.

 "In 2008, lower than half of all eligible voters between the ages of 18 and 24 voted, Johansson said during her Thursday language. "Puppy like Earth, why are we only addressing with half our strain when so many issues at portion here straight regard us? You live who I'm voting for. I'm not effort to avow you who to pick for. I'm here to ask you to move to enfranchisement.

Saudi Women Can Vote In National Election.

Saudi Women Can Vote In National Election, King Says

RIYADH, Saudi Arabia — Saudi Arabia's King Abdullah, considered a reformer by the standards of his own ultraconservative kingdom, decreed on Sunday that women will for the first time have the right to vote and run in local elections due in 2015.
It is a "Saudi Spring" of sorts.
For the nation's women, it is a giant leap forward, though they remain unable to serve as Cabinet ministers, drive or travel abroad without permission from a male guardian.
Saudi women bear the brunt of their nation's deeply conservative values, often finding themselves the target of the unwanted attention of the kingdom's intrusive religious police, who enforce a rigid interpretation of Islamic Shariah law on the streets and public places like shopping malls and university campuses.
The decision to give the women the right to vote and run in municipal elections may not be enough to satisfy the growing ambition of the kingdom's women who, after years of lavish state spending on education and vocational training, significantly improved their standing but could not secure the same place in society as that of their male compatriots.
That woman must wait four more years to exercise their newly acquired right to vote adds insult to injury since Sunday's announcement was already a long time coming – and the next local elections are in fact scheduled for this Thursday.
"Why not tomorrow?" asked prominent Saudi feminist Wajeha al-Hawaidar. "I think the king doesn't want to shake the country, but we look around us and we think it is a shame ... when we are still pondering how to meet simple women's rights."
The announcement by King Abdullah came in an annual speech before his advisory assembly, or Shura Council. It was made after he consulted with the nation's top religious clerics, whose advice carries great weight in the kingdom.
It is an attempt at "Saudi style" reform, moves that avoid antagonizing the powerful clergy and a conservative segment of the population. Additionally, it seems to be part of the king's drive to insulate his vast, oil-rich country from the upheavals sweeping other Arab nations, with popular uprisings toppling regimes that once looked as secure as his own.
In contrast, King Abdullah in August withdrew the Saudi ambassador from Syria to protest President Bashar Assad's brutal crackdown on a seven-month uprising that calls for his ouster and the establishment of a democratic government.
The United States, Saudi Arabia's closest Western ally, praised the king's move.
"Muslim women in our Islamic history have demonstrated positions that expressed correct opinions and advice," said the king.
Abdullah became the country's de facto ruler in 1995 because of the illness of King Fahd and formally ascended to the throne upon Fahd's death in August 2005.
The king on Sunday also announced that women would be appointed to the Shura Council, a currently all-male body established in 1993 to offer counsel on general policies in the kingdom and to debate economic and social development plans and agreements signed between the kingdom with other nations.
The question of women's rights in Saudi Arabia is a touchy one. In a country where no social or political force is strong enough to affect change in women's rights, it is up to the king to do it. Even then, the king must find consensus before he takes a step in that direction.

Libya after Gadhafi

4 risks for Libya after Gadhafi

 Omar Ashour is the author of The De-Radicalization of Jihadists: Transforming Armed Islamist Movements. For more from Ashour, visit Project Syndicate's website, or check it out on Facebook and Twitter.

BENGHAZI –The people of Middle East of rivers of blood, Western occupation, poverty, chaos, and Al Qaeda if their regimes are toppled. Those threats were heard in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain, Syria, and – rendered in black-comedy style – in Libya.

A strong belief across the region that the costs of removing autocracies, high as they might be, are low compared. In short, freedom is worth the price.

In Libya, four scenarios may negatively affect prospects for democratization: civil/tribal war, military rule, becoming “stuck in transition,” and partition.

1. Civil/tribal war

The civil/tribal war scenario is the worst risk. When sectarian violence erupted there following the removal of Hosni Mubarak, the revolutionary coalitions adopted the slogan, “You won’t gloat over this, Mubarak.” Repressive dictatorships cannot win free and fair elections.

To win, Libya’s Colonel Moammar Gadhafi has deliberately and successfully turned a civil-resistance campaign into an armed conflict.

Libya, of course, can survive the gloomy prospect of post-authoritarian civil war.

2.  Military rule

Another negative scenario is military rule. Several figures from the “free officers” – the group that plotted the 1969 coup against the monarchy – are leading the INC. They also belong to several large tribes, guaranteeing wide tribal representation if a military council were to take power, as in Egypt.

A move by army officers in Tripoli against Gadhafi and his sons might end the conflict, with military commanders getting the credit – and the political capital.

3.  Getting "stuck in transition"

Getting “stuck in transition” is a third possible scenario, with Libya remaining in a “gray zone” – neither a fully-fledged democracy nor a dictatorship, but “semi-free.”

This means regular elections, a democratic constitution, and civil society, human rights violations, and restrictions on civil liberties. Five relapsed into brutal dictatorships (including Uzbekistan, Algeria, Turkmenistan, and Belarus), while the rest were stuck somewhere in transition.

4.  Partition

The fourth scenario is partition, with the old three-province, Ottoman-style setup commonly mentioned: Cyrenaica (east), Fezzan (south), and Tripolitania (west). Cyrenaica is Gadhafi-free, Tripolitania is not, and Fezzan did not fully join the revolution. In the case of democratic transitions, a success nearby often helps at home. Either country, or both, could offer Libya successful transition models, erecting an important obstacle to military dictatorship or civil war.

The views expressed in this article are solely those of Omar Ashour. Copyright: Project Syndicate, 2011